ANKUSH KUMAR
Recently, matter of ‘Rules-Based Order’ has become very significant. Many countries repeatedly use this term often at different occasions. In a recent event (Raisina Dialogue, 2022, New Delhi), our External Affairs Minister mentioned the term ‘Rules-Based Order’ while responding to the questions, which became a matter of debate. However, the language of ‘Rule-Based Order’ in the Indian foreign policy is a new and significant change. Somehow, it is a departure from Nehruvian ideas of ‘strategic autonomy’ and ‘non-alignment’, and adopting the language of ‘Rules-based Order’ makes India more assertive. From the Liberal Perspective, global stability is based on the international rules, more considerable international trade and the mounting of democracies in the several numbers pushed towards a ‘rules-based order’. It is improved by commercial peace and democracies. On the other hand, Realists believe that the world order endorsed by an uneven but practical balance between powerful nation-states, such as Russian, China and US and nuclear weapons plays a role of deterrence and effective mollifying equaliser. The signs of embracing the language of the ‘Rules-Based Order’ by the present Union government came in January 2015 during the visit of Barrack Obama as a Guest of Honour on Republic Day. After that, the ‘India-US Delhi Declaration of Friendship’ commenced with commitment to extend and uphold ‘just, open, sustainable and inclusive rule-based order’. After that, the Union government gave similar kinds of pledges on various occasions. Similarly, in 2015, Prime Minister Narendra Modi and his Japanese counterpart Prime Minister Shinzo Abe, declared their commitment to the India-pacific region and pledged for ‘unwavering commitment to realising a peaceful, open, equitable, stable and rule-based order in the Indo-Pacific region and beyond.’ During the ‘Quad’ (Quadrilateral Security Dialogue) meeting in November 2017, Prime Minister Modi emphasised the necessity of a ‘free, open, prosperous and inclusive Indo-Pacific’. From these examples, one thing is clear, India shares consensus on core elements, but on the other hand, India embraces a distinct vision of ‘Rule-based Order’ from its Quad counterparts. The fundamental difference between India and its counterparts is not only based on ‘free and open’ but precisely on ‘inclusive’ and ‘equitable’ ‘Rule-based Order’. India’s ‘Rule-based Order’ vision lays the foundation of flexibility in terms of principles and approach instead of vagueness. In 2018, at the Shangri-La Dialogue again, Prime Minister Modi stressed for ‘democratic and rules-based order’. He argued that ‘engagement in the Indo-Pacific Region … will be inclusive.’ In the recent event at the Raisina Dialogue (2022), the Union Foreign Minister Jaishankar again raised the issue of ‘Rules-based Order’ and countered the European pressure to criticise and oppose Russian actions in Ukraine. He highlights the attitude of the Western power toward Afghanistan and the challenges faced by Asia regarding ‘Rules-Based Order’. While responding to the questions posed by Norway’s foreign minister Anniken Huitfeldt and Luxembourg, Foreign Minister Jean Asselborn; S Jaishankar replied that European power for almost a decade had not responded to the challenges posed in Asia regarding the ‘Rules-based Order’. Further, he added that the West must ‘remember what happened in Afghanistan less than a year ago, where an entire civil society was thrown under the bus by the world. When the rules-based order was under challenge in Asia, the advice we got from Europe is do more trade. At least we are not giving you that advice. “In terms of Afghanistan, please show me which part of the rules-based order justified what the world did there,” he added. The firm assertion and befitted reply of Jaishankar exposed the dual standards of the West on ‘Rules-based Order’ criteria. He explicitly shows the juxtapose stand of the West on the principles of ‘Rules-Based Order’ when it comes to Asia and India. Jaishankar’s response reflects India’s ‘Rules-based Order’ vision based on equity and inclusiveness. From the response of Jaishankar, we can argue that India made it clear; that particular ‘Rules-based Order’ driven by agenda will not follow blindly by India or on the terms and conditions of other countries. It reminds us that Prime Minister Modi once said in Shangri-La Dialogue that India would do its highest to maintain ‘sovereignty and territorial integrity, as well as equality of all nations, irrespective of size and strength.’ The above chronology of India’s statements on ‘Rules-based order’ evidently shows that India’s version (on Rules-based order) is based on sovereign equality and inclusion of all stakeholders without the dual standard (which means separate parameters for the West and separate for Asia). India’s emphasis on free, open but equitable and inclusive ‘Rules-Based Order’ gives a new version to the world.
(The author is a PhD Senior Research Fellow, Centre for Political Studies, JNU).
